By Adi Schwartz ,WSJ
As Christmas neared, an 85-foot-high tree
presided over the little square in front of the Greek Orthodox Church of
the Annunciation in Nazareth. Kindergarten children with Santa Claus
hats entered the church and listened to their teacher explain in Arabic
the Greek inscriptions on the walls, while a group of Russian pilgrims
knelt on their knees and whispered in prayer. In Nazareth's old city,
merchants sold the usual array of Christmas wares.
This
year, however, the familiar rhythms of Christmas season in the Holy
Land have been disturbed by a new development: the rise of an
independent voice for Israel's Christian community, which is
increasingly trying to assert its separate identity. For decades, Arab
Christians were considered part of Israel's sizable Palestinian
minority, which comprises both Muslims and Christians and makes up about
a fifth of the country's citizens, according to the Israeli government.
But now, an informal grass-roots movement, prompted in part by the
persecution of Christians elsewhere in the region since the Arab Spring,
wants to cooperate more closely with Israeli Jewish society—which could
mean a historic change in attitude toward the Jewish state. "Israel is
my country, and I want to defend it," says Henry Zaher, an 18-year-old
Christian from the village of Reineh who was visiting Nazareth. "The
Jewish state is good for us."
The Christian share of Israel's population
has decreased over the years—from 2.5% in 1950 to 1.6% today, according
to Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics—because of migration and a low
birthrate. Of Israel's 8 million citizens, about 130,000 are
Arabic-speaking Christians (mostly Greek Catholic and Greek Orthodox),
and 1.3 million are Arab Muslims.
In
some ways, Christians in Israel more closely resemble their Jewish
neighbors than their Muslim ones, says Amnon Ramon, a lecturer at the
Hebrew University of Jerusalem and a specialist on Christians in Israel
at the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. In a recent book, he
reports that Israeli Christians' median age is 30, compared with 31 for
Israeli Jews and only 19 for Israeli Muslims. Israeli Christian women
marry later than Israeli Muslims, have significantly fewer children and
participate more in the workforce. Unemployment is lower among Israeli
Christians than among Muslims, and life expectancy is higher. Perhaps
most strikingly, Israeli Christians actually surpass Israeli Jews in
educational achievement.
As a minority within a minority, Christians
in Israel have historically been in a bind. Fear of being considered
traitors often drove them to proclaim their full support for the
Palestinian cause. Muslim Israeli leaders say that all Palestinians are
siblings and deny any Christian-Muslim rift. But in mixed
Muslim-Christian cities such as Nazareth, many Christians say they feel
outnumbered and insecure.
"There is a
lot of fear among Christians from Muslim reprisals," says Dr. Ramon. "In
the presence of a Muslim student in one of my classes, a Christian
student will never say the same things he would say were the Muslim
student not there."
"Many Christians
think like me, but they keep silent," says the Rev.
Gabriel Naddaf,
who backs greater Christian integration into the Jewish state.
"They are simply too afraid." In his home in Nazareth, overlooking the
fertile hills of the Galilee, the 40-year-old former spokesman of the
Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Jerusalem is tall and charismatic,
dressed in a spotless black cassock. "Israel is my country," he says.
"We enjoy the Israeli democracy and have to respect it and fight for
it."
That is the idea behind the new Forum for
Drafting the Christian Community, which aims to increase the number of
Christians joining the Israel Defense Forces. It is an extremely
delicate issue: Israeli Arabs are generally exempt from military duty,
because the state doesn't expect them to fight their brethren among the
Palestinians or in neighboring Arab countries. Israeli Palestinians, who
usually don't want to enlist, say they often face discrimination in
employment and other areas because they don't serve.
"We
were dragged into a conflict that wasn't ours," says Father Naddaf.
"Israel takes care of us, and if not Israel, who will defend us? We love
this country, and we see the army as a first step in becoming more
integrated with the state."
According to
Shadi Khaloul,
a forum spokesperson, the total number of Christians serving in
the Israeli military has more than quadrupled since 2012, from 35 to
nearly 150. This may seem a drop in the ocean, but it was enough to
enrage many Palestinian Israelis. Father Naddaf says that his car's
tires were punctured and that he received death threats, worrying him
enough that he got bodyguards. Hanin Zoabi, an Arab-Muslim member of the
Israeli parliament, wrote Father Naddaf a public letter calling him a
collaborator and accusing him of putting young Christians "in danger."
"Arab Palestinians, regardless of their religion, should not join the
Israeli army," Ms. Zoabi told me. "We are a national group, not a
religious one. Any attempt to enlist Christians is part of a strategy of
divide-and-rule."
Many Arab Christians don't see it that way.
"We are not mercenaries," says Mr. Khaloul, who served as a captain in
an IDF paratrooper brigade. "We want to defend this country together
with the Jews. We see what is happening these days to Christians around
us—in Iraq, Syria and Egypt."
Since the
Arab revolutions began in Tunisia in 2011, many Christians in the region
have felt isolated and jittery. Coptic churches have been attacked in
Egypt, and at least 26 Iraqis leaving a Catholic church in Baghdad on
Christmas Day were killed by a car bomb. Islamists continue to threaten
to enforce Shariah law wherever they gain control.
The
Christian awakening in Israel goes beyond joining the IDF. Some Israeli
Christian leaders now demand that their history and heritage be taught
in state schools. "Children in Arab schools in Israel learn only
Arab-Muslim history," says a report prepared by Mr. Khaloul and
submitted to Israel's Ministry of Education, "and this causes the
obliteration of Christian identity."
Some Israeli Christians even recently
established a new political party, headed by
Bishara Shlayan,
a stocky, blue-eyed former captain in the Israeli navy who told
me that he once beat up an Irish sailor in Londonderry who called him an
"[expletive] Jew." The new party is puckishly called B'nai Brith
("Children of the Covenant"), and Shlayan says it will have Jewish as
well as Christian members. Nazareth's mayor,
Ramez Jaraisy,
recently told the Times of Israel that Shlayan was a
"collaborator" with the Israeli authorities.
"The
current Arab political establishment only brought us hate and rifts,"
says Mr. Shlayan. "The Arab-Muslim parties didn't take care of us. We
are not brothers with the Muslims; brothers take care of each other."
Mr. Shlayan, who advocates better education, housing and employment for
Israeli Christians, says he also dreams of turning Nazareth into an even
busier tourist spot by erecting the world's biggest statue of Jesus.
Should
this Christian awakening succeed, it would be yet another notable shift
in the balance of power among religious groups in the Middle East.
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